|William Marsh Rice
From his humble beginnings as orphaned child, to a Texas tycoon, and then
to the victim of a bizarre murder plot, William Rice was certainly one of
Green Brook's most interesting residents. Born in Springfield,
Massachusetts, in 1816, Rice made his way to Houston by 1839, just three
years after the city was founded. As an import-export merchant with a
shrewd business sense, his fortune grew along with the town as he expanded
into banking, real estate, and oil. By the eve of the Civil War, he was
one of the richest men in Texas.
Sometime after the Civil War, he provided funds to his sister and
brother-in-law, Charles McKee, to purchase property in New Jersey. The
78-acre farm was located in Green Brook, along Greenbrook Road between
Cramer Avenue and Mountain Parkway. When Charles died in 1878, Rice
received title to the farm and built a large mansion on the property.
By 1885, Rice was involved in a legal dispute over part of his fortune.
Before she died, his first wife made up a will disposing of half of Rice's
money. Under the community property law in Texas, where the couple had
been living, she was entitled to half of his assets. Rice countered that
he was actually a resident of New Jersey, although he also spent time in
New York City were he owned an apartment on Madison Avenue. Since he only
visited Texas for business to oversee his far-flung investments, he
claimed that all the money rightfully was his.
Although he was married twice, Rice had no children. At one point, he
began to consider what he should leave to posterity. In 1882, influenced
by the example of the Stephen Girard Institute in Philadelphia, he drew up
a will leaving the bulk of his estate to an orphans' home to be
established on his Green Brook farm. Had it not been for a chance
conversation in the late 1880s with Cesar M. Lombardi, an orphanage in
Green Brook might have been Rice's legacy.
Lombardi, who was a prominent Houston businessman and former president of
the Houston School Board, felt that the city needed a public high school.
The city council was not interested. On one of Rice's many visits to
Houston, Lombardi suggested that, since Rice had made his fortune in
Houston, there could be no more appropriate monument to his memory than a
building for a municipal high school. Visiting Houston again in the late
spring of 1891, Rice called his attorney, Captain James A. Baker, to his
hotel room and told him that he had decided to endow not a high school,
but a separate establishment to be called The William M. Rice Institute
for the Advancement of Literature, Science, and Art. He instructed that
the institute should be free; open to both male and female students; and
that it would be nonpartisan and nonsectarian.
On May 13, 1891, Rice signed a deed of indenture giving the institute its
initial endowment. He instructed that nothing else was to be done until
after his death; however, the following year, he gave the Institute
several parcels of land, and in 1896 after his second wife's death, he
wrote a new will leaving the bulk of his fortune to the Institute.
On Sunday, September 23, 1900, William Marsh Rice died in his sleep in his
Madison Avenue apartment. The next day, a large check bearing Rice's
signature was presented for deposit. An alert bank clerk noticed that the
check was made out to a lawyer, but that the lawyer's name had been
misspelled. When the clerk telephoned Rice to verify the name, he learned
that Rice had died the evening before. Sensing that something was wrong,
the bank officials telegraphed Captain Baker in Houston that "Mr. Rice
died last night under very suspicious circumstances." Baker immediately
set out for New York City.
Meanwhile, the lawyer, Albert T. Patrick, stated in an interview that Rice
had drawn up a new will on June 30, 1900, naming Patrick as legatee. A
subsequent assignment, just two days before Rice's death, gave most of the
estate to Patrick, leaving nothing else to the Institute. Because the
change was out of character, Captain Baker, with the assistance of the New
York City district attorney's office, began an investigation of Rice's
The case created a sensation in New York City, especially after Rice's
valet, Charles Jones, confessed that he and Patrick had practiced signing
Rice's signature, forged the new will, and that he had chloroformed Rice
to death after a steady diet of mercury pills had failed to kill the aging
millionaire. Because Jones provided state's evidence, he was never
imprisoned, but mastermind Patrick was convicted and sentenced to death in
the electric chair at Sing Sing.
Patrick's long fight for freedom has been described as
one of the blackest chapters in New York's legal history. A wealthy
brother-in-law reportedly poured thousands into the battle. Patrick spent
four years and seven months in the death house, during which time he saw
17 others go to the chair. Finally, in December 1906 Gov. F. W. Higgins
commuted his sentence to life imprisonment. Patrick, the star boarder on
death row, announced: "I refuse to accept the governor's commutation. I
propose to continue my fight for freedom."
He shuttled back and forth to various courts with all sorts of arguments.
In one court he argued that he was legally dead and, as such, could not be
kept in Sing Sing. It could be that everyone wearied of the entire matter,
but in any event, on November 28, 1912 Gov. John A. Dix gave Patrick a
complete pardon, noting in a brief comment that "an air of mystery has
always surrounded the case." The governor's act was, to say the least,
controversial, but so was the fact that Jones, the actual killer, had not
even been tried for the murder.
Captain Baker had still one more hurdle to overcome in behalf of Rice
Institute, a disputed will by the second Mrs. Rice that claimed a
substantial portion of the estate. This complicated issue was finally
settled in 1904, and The Rice Institute received a founding endowment of
$4.6 million, the first major act of philanthropy to benefit what was to
become Rice University.
William Marsh Rice
|Lillian (Ford) Feickert—
Green Brook’s Iron Lady
When Lillian Feickert and her husband moved to Green Brook in 1908, the
area was still part of the Township of North Plainfield. Lillian purchased
the historic Ephreim Vail house on Greenbrook Road from Abram Vail,
Ephreim Vail’s son. The property included a 64-acre tract that ran from
Greenbrook Road to the top of the first Watchung Mountain and a
water-powered cider mill with 3 acres on the south side of the road.
Six years earlier, Lillian had married Edward Foster
Feickert, a 28-year-old banker from New York. The couple had initially
moved to Plainfield, where Edward had joined the newly formed Plainfield
Trust Company. During the next several years, the company flourished,
along with Edward’s career, and he quickly became vice-president of the
bank, which was re-named the State Trust Company.
For the first few years, Feickert spent much of her time
tending to her new house and surrounding gardens. Following the tragic
death of their infant child several years before, she had occupied herself
with volunteer work for her church - the Grace Episcopal Church of
Plainfield – and a number of women’s organizations. As the wife of a
successful banker, she appeared to be headed for a quite life of
obscurity. But just twelve years later, Feickert was to become a major
player in New Jersey politics, as well as the first woman from New Jersey
to run for the United States Senate.
Among the organizations that she joined were the Woman’s
Christian Temperance Union, the Daughters of the American Revolution, and
the New Jersey Woman Suffrage Association. Feickert’s life changed in
1910, when Clara Laddey, New Jersey Woman Suffrage Association president,
appointed her enrollment chairman. She took on the job with great
enthusiasm putting her native organizational and political skills to good
use. Riding the wave of renewed interest in suffrage that was gripping the
nation, she quadrupled the association’s membership in just two years by
door-to-door canvassing and organizing community rallies.
In 1912, Feickert was elected president of the organization. She developed
her public reputation and political skills during an unsuccessful fight to
win male voter ap proval of the state suffrage amendment in October 1915.
She opposed the more militant tactics of some suf fragists in the New
Jersey State branch of the National Woman's Party, and guiding the New
Jersey Woman Suffrage Association on a more moderate path as it gained new
adherents from both men and women during the war years.
In July1919, Feickert was chosen to lead the combined effort of a number
of the state’s suffrage organizations to convince the New Jersey State
Legisla ture to ratify the federal suffrage amendment. By then the
membership of her association had grown to 120,000 giving her a load voice
in Trenton. The legisla ture finally voted to ratify the amendment on
February 10, 1920.
With the ratification of the amendment, Feickert had become a su premely
confident politician who was convinced that the power of the vote gave
women the ability to achieve many of the important objectives of the
suffrage movement. Early in 1920, the state Republican party, respecting
Feickert's achievements as New Jersey's leading suffragist, named her
vice-chairman of the Republican State Commit tee and assigned her the task
of organizing the Republican women in the state.
Feickert had also accepted the position of treasure of the newly formed
New Jersey League of Women Voters; however, she resigned from that
position a year later because of its nonpartisan leanings. Instead, she
chose to focus on the New Jersey Women’s Republican Club, which had a
reported membership of 100,000 and backing from the state Republican
organization. In making the move, she had apparently received assurances
from Edward Stokes, chairman of the Republican Party and former governor,
that all political committees would have equal numbers of men and women,
that women would be represented on juries, and that at least two women
would be included on the State Board of Education and the Department of
Health. Feickert’s organization organization also successfully passed the
Night Work Bill, which prohibited women from working at night in
manufacturing establishments, laundries, and bakeries.
Support for the Women’s Republican Club had started to wane by 1925 due to
Feickert’s insistence on passage of other women’s related legislation and
the demand for strict party support of prohibition. She was also under
fire for her public criticism of the Republican controlled legislature in
Trenton. As a result, Feickert was defeated in her reelection bid to the
Republican State Committee, and therefore lost her position as
About the same time, she received word that her husband,
after 23 years of marriage, had become a resident of Nevada and was suing
her for divorce. He claimed that her nonstop political activity had caused
him extreme suffering. Six weeks after the divorce was final, Edward
married his secretary Iva Dayton.
As sentiment shifted in favor of the repeal of
prohibition laws, the Republican State Committee was becoming increasing
frustrated with the "independent minded" Women’s Republican Club. In 1929,
the organization was replaced by the newly formed Women’s State Republican
Club of New Jersey, which put party loyalty ahead of women’s interests. It
did not participate in the writing of party platforms, nor did it seek to
extract political pledges from the party leadership as Feickert had done.
The Republican Party now had what it wanted: women on whose loyalty it
Feickert returned briefly to the public stage when she ran unsuccessfully
as a pro-prohibition candidate for the United States in 1928. Her public
life ended finally in the early 1930s with the defeat of prohibition.
After the election, she settled down in Green Brook and devoted her time
to remodeling her home and furnishing it with antiques; maintaining her
elaborate garden; traveling; and reading history. Lillian Feickert died in
1945 following a brief illness and her body was cremated. Having lived
though such a turbulent period in American history, Feickert’s iron will
and leadership skills where important factors in the successful outcome of
the movement that finally established women’s political rights.
Lillian Ford Feickert